Wednesday, August 16, 2017

At the Edge of the Avant-Garde: On the Montreal Free Improvisation Scene


‘Yes, we’re free to do anything and, as well, free to be ignored’
         Malcolm Goldstein[i]

Introduction
            In his article ‘Tracing Out an Anglo-Bohemia: Musicmaking and Myth in Montreal,’ Geoff Stahl (2001) explores the ways in which Montreal functions within Canadian (as well, though to an obviously lesser degree, international) cultural discourse. And how this position, and its concomitant structures, have allowed for the creation of, as well as helped maintain and develop, an English-speaking artistic community that understands itself according to a bohemian, counter-cultural identity. Defined by a municipal history of politic—stretching back most notably to 1849 when a mob burned down the Parliamentary buildings in what was then the capital of an 8-year old united province of Canada (Foster 1951)—cultural hybridity, artistic experimentation, moral decadence and economic decline, this identity, Stahl argues, has found expression in (among other things) an Anglophone music scene whose participants conceive of it, and themselves, as ‘independent.’ That is, as individuals in opposition to corporate control—with Toronto functioning metonymically as the city to where the money has fled but that lacks Montreal’s cultural vitality.[ii] Although inevitably informed by its location within a majority French-speaking province, Stahl quite rightly points to the influence of the French-English cultural and language divide as of profound importance to the constitution of this Anglo-bohemian musical identity given the deep-rooted distinctions that exist between most Montreal Anglophone and Francophone musicians, their respective audiences and, in many cases, performance spaces.
            However, among partisans of at least one Montreal musical scene what is most commonly referred to as ‘free improvisation’ or, in Québécois French, musique actuelle, this linguistic, cultural divide is much less significant. Made up of both Anglophones and Francophones, as well as some Allophones (a term seemingly unique to Quebec referring to those whose first language is neither English or French), this scene’s identity is significantly informed by a self-consciousness of its cultural diversity in opposition to the greater uniformity of other Montreal music scenes. An appreciation for such cultural diversity, combined with considerations of this scene’s relative vitality and strength, motivates this paper. From interviews with a number of those involved in the scene, attendance at numerous performances associated with it and close analysis of documentary evidence (in print as well as audio and video recordings of related events), I hope to explain how the extremely non-commercial, and largely improvised kind of music that is associated with the label musique actuelle, and its common English equivalent “free improvisation,” as well as the identities with which it is associated, took root, survived and, arguably, continue to thrive as a distinct, and internationally renowned music scene.

Part I: Setting the Scene
            As sociologist Patricia Lamarre points out, ‘Montreal is an unusual city in the North American context and is significantly different from other cosmopolitan centers in Canada, such as Toronto and Vancouver…[It] is the only major metropolitan center in Canada to function predominantly in a language other than English; this on a continent where English dominates massively’ (2007: 111). So even though, according to the 2006 Canadian census, only 13.45% of the population of metropolitan Montreal now claims English as their mother tongue (Statistics Canada 2006),[iii] the importance of its historical presence, in conjunction with its dominance throughout the rest of Canada and the United States, gives it a far greater importance within the city than its present numbers might otherwise indicate.
            Indeed, it would be difficult to overstate the importance of Montreal’s bilingualism to its cultural constitution. Within Montreal, the question as to the use of French or English colours (or, depending on one’s perspective, haunts) nearly all interactions with strangers on account of the initial uncertainty as to which language the other prefers to, or can, speak.[iv] It is also a source of perpetual discord among some Anglophones and Francophones who feel aggrieved by the perceived intolerance or closed-mindedness of members of the other community. These perceptions are aggravated by the past 40 or so year history of divisive events: the FLQ/October Crisis (1969-1970), the 1980 and 1995 referendums on the separation of Quebec from Canada, the 1982 patriation of the Canadian constitution without the agreement of then Quebec premier René Lévesque, and the late 1980s to early 1990s Canada-wide debates over the Meech Lake and Charlottetown Accords. And it is this long history of language and cultural hybridity that distinguishes Montreal most profoundly from newer Canadian multicultural metropolises such as Toronto and Vancouver. Though both of these latter cities have been profoundly changed by the influx of non-English speaking immigrants to Canada that have made them their home over the last 50 or so years (Troper 2000), they retain a cultural unilingualism that is wholly foreign to Montreal’s core linguistic and cultural diversity, a mixture that has been of integral importance to the development and support of its free-improvisation music scene.
            John Heward, who has lived in Montreal most of his life and now plays drums in a variety of free improvisation ensembles, traces the vitality of this music in Montreal to the city’s vibrant nightlife in the 1940s and ‘50s, through the politically turbulent and artistically experimental 1960s, the birth of musique actuelle in the 1970s and early 80s among sovereignist-leaning Francophones, and a long period of relatively underground genre-blending experimentation and exploration in the 1990s that culminated in the opening of the Casa del Popolo, a now iconic Montreal venue specializing in experimental music, in 2000.[v] Heward also points to the few months spent by Sun Ra and his Arkestra in Montreal from the fall of 1960 to early 1961 as, if not directly influential on later Montreal musicians, at least an early, auspicious sign of the city’s openness to free improvisation (Szwed 1997: 179-81).
            As one of the founders of musique actuelle and its associated record label Ambiance Magnétique,[vi] flautist, saxophonist and composer Jean Derome has had a profound effect on the evolution of improvisationally-based music in Montreal.[vii] In an interview he pointed to the first Festival Internationale de Musique Actuelle de Victoriaville in 1983 as the origin of musique actualle on account of the organizers need for a label for the type of music they wished to present.[viii]
Musique actuelle is a name that we gave to a community of musicians. To me it doesn’t mean much in itself...I was content not to use a name at all because when you don’t have a name it’s nice as one isn’t trapped by institutions. But it was the foundation of the Festival de Musique Actuelle de Victoriaville that announced the name publicly as it hadn’t had much of a use before that...For me it describes a point of encounter between all the avant-garde: modern jazz, free improvisation, what some call ‘art rock’—rock that is non-commercial and artistic—and also contemporary music. It’s a fertile and interesting meeting point for people with common interests.[ix]
Vitally important to its correct understanding in English is the translation of ‘actuelle’ not as ‘actual’ (for what would ‘actual music’ even mean? Some variety opposed to non-actual music?), but instead as ‘new’ or ‘current.’[x] Other names I have heard from those involved in the Montreal scene to describe this kind of music are ‘new’ and ‘creative’ although these are problematic in their implicit characterization of other music as not-new and non-creative. As Derome points out, however, applying some name is seemingly unavoidable given the need to promote and market music even—or perhaps especially—of a highly experimental kind.
            For Derome, one of the most remarkable characteristics of the contemporary Montreal free improvisation scene is how musically and culturally diversified it is in comparison to the resolutely francophone, politically left-leaning, sovereignist (i.e. desiring for Quebec to separate from Canada) group of musicians (e.g. René Lucier, Pierre Cartier, Robert Lepage, Joane Hétu) with whom he primarily performed from the 1970s through 1990s. ‘Many musicians who have moved here from elsewhere have told me that it was because of the group of us musicians around Ambiance Magnétique that they came here. I appreciate that.’ Although he continues to play in groups made up primarily of other Francophones, he has found himself performing more and more with non-Francophones in recent years. He, along with all the other musicians I interviewed, stressed the importance of such cultural cross-fertilization of musicians and performance spaces as of integral importance to their own understandings of the Montreal free improvisation scene.

Part II: Meanings of freedom
            Before going any further a discussion of the qualifier of “free” in “free improvisation” is necessary. For ‘freedom’ is a concept loaded with ideological significance within the hegemony of an internationally dominant liberal, capitalist regime that extolls the worth of individual freedom above nearly all else.[xi] Through its invocation of freedom, the label ‘free improvisation’ acts as a mechanism of interpellation—calling into existence the subjective identities and positions that fulfill the demands of the relevant Ideological State Apparatuses (ISAs), whose function it is to foster a sense of individual distinction and self-motivated creative expression as a controlled, and ultimately neutered, outlet to anti-authoritarian impulses. So conceived, such expressions of purported individuality serve to affirm and help propagate the consumerism that is of integral importance to the functioning of the very capitalist system that is, in most cases, the very target of the expression’s purported rebellion and/or resistance (Frank 1998; Heath and Potter 2004). On this account, ‘free improvisation’ describes not a radically free musical practice (and its attendant social engagements) in perpetual challenge to the established order (artistic or political), but rather a musical community that has been effectively marginalized precisely because of its participants’ self-understanding as autonomous, free individuals unencumbered by the cultural-ideological conditioning that produces those who make more conventional, commercially-minded music.
The workings of this musical label’s invocation of freedom thus bear no small relation to Michel Foucault’s ‘repressive hypothesis.’ Against the view that understands sex as the object of growing repression beginning in the 17th century, culminating in 19th century Victorian prudery and then finally liberated (at least partially) in the latter half of the 20th century with the Sexual Revolution of the 1960s, Foucault argues, rather, that sex has been transformed into a discursive regime of power that has been integral to the production of the modern subject as a constantly self-interrogating self (1990: 23-24). ‘For us, it is in the confession that truth and sex are joined, through the obligatory and exhaustive expression of an individual secret. But this time it is truth that serves as the medium for sex and its manifestations’ (1990: 61). Through the positioning of sex as something personal and secretive, but simultaneously of increasing importance to the well-being of society and at the center of a constantly proliferating discourse of self-examination and confession, power comes to be invested in, and realized through, both the minutiae of individual bodily responses and the broader complexes of the society in which they exist (1990: 146).
            Crucially for Foucault is why this narrative of sexual repression has been so compelling for so many despite, he points out, there having been a ‘veritable discursive explosion’ over the last three centuries pertaining to sex (1990: 17). His answer is that conceiving of sex in terms of repression works to the advantage of those who speak of it since they are thus granted the status of deliberate transgressors and truth tellers and thereby accrue the corresponding benefits of such a romanticized and ostensibly anti-normative yet liberatory position.
What sustains our eagerness to speak in terms of repression is doubtless this opportunity to speak out against the powers that be, to utter truths and promise bliss, to link together enlightenment, liberation, and manifold pleasures; to pronounce a discourse that combines the fervor of knowledge, the determination to change the laws, and the longing for the garden of earthly delights’ (1990: 6-7).
By speaking about or, in the case of music, playing that which is supposedly taboo, individuals position themselves as courageous truth-tellers defying society’s irrational and unjust proscriptions; artists on the edge of the avant-garde forging ahead for new truths in opposition to society’s inherent conservatism.
            Indeed, Foucault asks whether ‘the critical discourse that addresses itself to repression...is not in fact part of the same historical network as the thing it denounces (and doubtless misrepresents) by calling it ‘repression’?’ (1990: 10). That is, rather than sexual repression (whether real or imaginary) and its various critiques existing in opposition to each other—the latter true, the former false—Foucault suggests that they are part of the same ‘discursive fact’ produced by relations of power; that they are, in fact, mutually dependent. Although likely conceived as a break from what has come before and motivated by altruistic, liberatory desires, Foucault argues that the critique of purported sexual repression actually shows many continuities with far older processes as but a ‘more devious and discreet form of power’ (1990: 11). This is because, Charles Taylor points out, the critique is not conceived of as resulting from the workings of power, but instead ‘as science, or fulfillment, even “liberation”’, which ostensibly stand outside of power and are thus capable of escaping from its strictures (1985: 152). But since such seemingly independent points of resistance are themselves the products of power, they function as its perfect disguise precisely on account of their status as seemingly self-evident truths. Therefore, according to Foucault, a complete escape from power is impossible; at best, one can realize small-scale, localized resistances to it in order, merely, to upset a present regime of ‘truth’ in favor of its substitution for another that is, however, in no way morally superior to what came before. They are simply different.
            Although not a perfect comparison, given its lack of immediate association with pleasure to the same degree as sex, the notion of freedom invoked within the Montreal free improvisation community has more than a little in common with the understanding of sex described by Foucault’s ‘repressive hypothesis.’ Here also there is a narrative of repression, of doing that which is forbidden—or at least not approved by any institution of any broader political, commercial or cultural significance—and thereby ‘speaking’ (or, in this case, perhaps rather ‘playing’ or ‘performing’) truth to power.[xii]  And there is undoubtedly some validity to the preceding Foucaultian analysis of free improvisation, for it would be naïve to posit its complete exceptionality from the devious workings of power laid out so provocatively by Foucault.
However, such an understanding of freedom in terms of Foucault’s theoretical position is not without problems. Particularly difficult to accept is his complete devaluing of subjective agency and concomitant separation of power from that of some notion of truth, and of freedom from its repressive effects.  Not all external impositions are usefully thought of, or even coherently conceived, as the consequence of power and repression.[xiii] And without a conception of freedom and truth as external to power, as not merely ideological masks to hide its all-encompassing functioning, power becomes so ubiquitous as to lose any meaning. One can only speak of power with any degree of efficacy in terms of some countervailing force (e.g. truth, freedom) that opposes it.[xiv]   
And it is preciely the history of the genre of free improvisation that renders the appropriateness of such Nietzschean-like value neutrality highly questionable (Merquior 1985; Nietzsche 2003). This is because one of the primary antecedents of this form of ‘free improvisation’ is the so-called “free jazz” movement that began in the late 1950s (with, perhaps most prominently, Cecil Taylor and Ornette Coleman), and then proliferated through the 1960s primarily among African-American musicians as a musical expression of (among other things) the-then burgeoning civil rights movement.[xv] ‘Freedom’ in this context was often times overtly political, an expression of defiance and demand for liberation from a centuries old tyranny that, especially in the southern United States, routinely used the full weight of (to again reference Althusser) the Repressive State Apparatuses (RSAs; i.e. the police and unofficially the Ku Klux Klan) to enforce its dictates.[xvi] To adopt Foucault’s position wholesale would be to undermine any moral basis for such demands for liberation and thus to leave one with no ethical basis to critique what is in favor of what could be.
            So though the label ‘free jazz’ is still sometimes invoked by some contemporary musicians, especially in those forms of improvisation that George Lewis has referred to as Afrological, ‘jazz’ is now often replaced by ‘improvisation’ due to the considerable pedigree and contemporary influence of improvisationally-based music from a European art-music, or what Lewis calls a Eurological, background. For though these, in Lewis’ words, ‘historically emergent rather than ethnically essential,’ varieties of improvisation were in the past sometimes quite antagonistic towards each other (especially the Eurological critiquing the Afrological), in Montreal at least they now seem to have comparable influence on the overall contemporary free improvisation music scene (1996, 93). But this convergence should not distract from an awareness of the history of very unequal relations between these two improvisatory traditions. As Lewis points out, the rise in awareness among Europeans and white Americans of the heritage of musical improvisation among African-Americans brought about the former’s attempt, ‘to come to grips with some of the implications of musical improvisation. This confrontation, however, took place amid an ongoing narrative of dismissal, on the part of many of these composers, of the tenets of African-American improvisatory forms.’ The partisans of the real-time music making that began to be incorporated into the Western art music tradition post-WWII, led most notably by John Cage, therefore
almost invariably theorized as emanating almost exclusively from a generally venerated stream of European cultural, social, and intellectual history—the ‘Western tradition.’ In such texts, an attempted erasure or denial of the impact of African-American forms on the real-time work of European and Euro-American composers is commonly asserted (Lewis 1996: 92).
Using John Cage and Charlie Parker as respective paragons of the Eurological and Afrological, Lewis argues for a fundamental distinction between these two improvisatory traditions. For whereas Cage, through the use of aleatoric (i.e. chance) procedures, hoped to break out of what he considered the staid, subjective-derived musical patterns of the past in order to create music that was truly new, Parker, and many other jazz musicians of the bebop era and after (especially African-American ones), saw their improvisational practice as expressly about the ‘assertion of self-determination’ in opposition to the legalized discrimination of Jim Crow injustice and the broader history of political and economic injustice (Lewis 1996: 95). The former attempts to kill the ego; the latter, in stark contrast, to affirm its irreducible value.
            For Frank Kofsky, such assertions of the self in opposition to oppression were precisely what was at work in the practice of free jazz musicians of the 1960s, whose music, he believed, represented a revolution in music aimed explicitly at overthrowing the racism, capitalism and imperialism that, was endemic in white America. It was a musical counterpart to Malcolm X’s revolutionary exhortations. The ‘avant-garde movement in jazz is a musical representation of the ghetto’s vote of “no confidence” in Western civilization and the American dream – that Negro avant-garde intransigents, in other words, are saying through their horns… “Up your ass, feeble-minded ofays!’’’ (1970: 131). On Kofsky’s account, not only does free jazz have little to do with Western art music (even its most avant-garde varieties), but it is resolutely antagonistic towards it and its ‘art for art’s sake’ principle that is, in fact, but a post-facto rationalization of its own political impotence or acquiescence to the status quo.
            Kofsky’s Marxist-inspired musical radicalism, however, seems curiously out of place in the context of Montreal’s free improvisation scene.[xvii] Lori Freedman, for example, one of the most prominent, and internationally renowned members of the free improvisation community in Montreal, studied classical clarinet performance at the University of Toronto and considers herself much more at home within that tradition than that of jazz though she performs regularly with musicians with a strong modern jazz background.[xviii] And Malcolm Goldstein, another of the scene’s most prominent members, studied violin and composition at Colombia University, knew John Cage and has been one of the most consistent interpreters of his work since the 1960s, although he is also strongly influenced by Ornette Coleman’s work.[xix] There are also many musicians with a primarily jazz background (e.g. Jason Sharp, Sam Shalabi) and others whose primary experience is with rock or punk music. A number of those I interviewed informed me that one of the most valuable distinguishing characteristics of the Montreal free improvisation scene is its constitution by, and accommodation of, an unusually wide range of musical backgrounds and styles. Saxophonist Matana Roberts (a resident of New York City who often performs in Montreal) expressed her experience of the Montreal free improvisation scene to me very much in these terms.
            What I...like about my Montreal shows is the cross-section of people I can get in an   audience. I don’t  like playing my music for purely jazz/improv fans. In fact, I hate that. I find
them to be a...bit set in what music is supposed to be and I’d rather play my music for broad
audiences. Montreal makes me happy in that I can get a crazy cross-section of folks in one
room...Montreal is interesting in that it seems improvisers here are coming more out of a gypsy
tradition of dealing with sound. And there’s also a very punk rock DIY vibe to it that makes it
very inspiring for me at times because I feel in contrast to NYC musicians, Montreal improvisers
tend to invest more of themselves into the art form. The Montreal improviser challenges the constrictions of space, time and musical construction in ways that I think at times can make the listener uncomfortable, but again I think points to a very homegrown language of dealing with sound.[xx]
As a label of identity, ‘free improvisation’ seems to transcend the various different genres and scenes that Roberts refers, to provide a common identifier, and therefore ideological ground, for a marginalized musical scene that lacks the luxury of acute distinctions due to its lack of economic capital. Because there is so little financial gain to be realized from performing music of a free-improvisation variety, those wishing to perform it cannot afford to define themselves in evermore specific ways as happened beginning in the late 1960s with the proliferation of rock hybrids (folk-rock, hard-rock, psychedelic-rock, progressive-rock, punk-rock, etc.) and since the 1980s with an even more rapid proliferation of genre distinctions in electronic music.[xxi] As Pierre Bourdieu’s points out in his theorization of the field of cultural production (1993: 29-73), this relative absence of sub-genre distinctions cannot be separated from strategies aimed at the attainment, retention and growth of symbolic and cultural capital: the fame, notoriety and other benefits that come from the denial of commercial pressures or the desire for popular acclaim. In this ‘economic world reversed’ the diversity of the musicians’ backgrounds bears a homologous relation to the diversity that ostensibly marks its difference from other, more stylistically unified, musical scenes.

Part III: Freedom in tension
            Many of those I interviewed expressed the importance within the scene of individual expression and the need to be true to one’s self; the absolute priority of this self conceived of as prior to any social engagement was therefore unsurprisingly rarely questioned.[xxii] Guitarist and composer Sam Shalabi, however, while extolling the openness and genuine acceptance of new ideas and forms of expression by musicians and audience members in Montreal (especially compared to other urban centers in North America) expressed his frustration with the very idea of a free improvisation scene.
            As Ornette Coleman said, style is the death of creativity…The fallacy that say experimental
music, improvised music is really that, is improvised or experimental all the time is nonsense...You go see a group of improvisers it’s not like it’s ground zero improvisation. You’re taking stuff from the history of improvised music, the licks you’ve been practicing that week, or whatever; it’s all in there. And so, the notion that it isn’t a style, that it doesn’t have a tendency to become stylized as much as a rockabilly band or a Pink Floyd tribute band. To me there’s not a lot of difference between the bulk of improvised music and that. More and more it’s about maintaining the tradition without really questioning what you’re doing in your own time and place and how you can make that interesting.[xxiii]

Though one of the more well-known musicians within the Montreal free improvisation scene and highly appreciative of the freedom it allows in comparison to that of any other he knows about throughout North America, Shalabi, of all my interviewees, most pointedly expressed this kind of opposition to the seemingly inevitable codification of musical style.
            Howard Becker, in this regard, argues that artistic conventions, rather than expressing a lack of creative ability, are in fact productive of it, while also necessary for audience member’s capacity to engage with art works (2008: 30). This echoes Foucault’s argument that power, rather than purely repressive, is in fact productive of identities, language, bodily states and so forth. This is most obviously the case, as Becker also argues, in facilitating communication and ‘efficient coordination’ between artists engaged in collective action and those who support them in their endeavors (2008: 30). Without these, lacking any assumptions as to what should occur, the likely result of opening such a vastness of possible actions is extreme paralysis for performers in having no standardized structures to depend upon. One might even wonder, given the inevitable internalization within the body of the repetitive practices involved in learning to play an instrument, whether such a total freedom is in fact possible—at least without the aid of methods of intense personal defamiliarization, for example that which, many have argued, result from the use of psychedelic drugs (Nicotra 2008; Banco 2008). But even this seems unlikely since, as Foucault notes, ‘disciplinary coercion establishes in the body the constricting link between an increased aptitude and an increased domination’ (1984: 182).[xxiv]
            There is, then, a seemingly irremediable tension inherent to the Montreal free improvisation scene and of the wider genre that it is an example of. Although it extols the untrammeled, entirely self-directed freedom of musical expression, to differentiate it from other musical genres its participants for the most part limit themselves to musical characteristics (resolute atonality, lack of any clear metrical pulse, foregrounding of ‘extended’ instrumental techniques and so forth) that clearly mark it as distinct from music ostensibly compromised by commercial, and therefore heteronomous, considerations. On one hand, a number of my informants expressed the positive nature of the limited financial rewards for the music they played in that it facilitated a sense of community and lack of competition among Montreal free improvisation musicians and a concomitant freedom for genuine artistic experimentation. Sam Shalabi, for example, told me:
I think if you’re doing experimental music, and there isn’t a sense that you’re actually experimenting or in opposition to something at all levels...socially, politically, aesthetically...then there’s something weird about it. So if you’re able to get a giant grant to stage a show of really experimental, bizarre music...and ten people show up and you don’t care because you’ve already gotten your money then I think that affects what you do...It creates a closed environment where the people who do the art are doing it, it creates a loop, it influences what you do...an environment where there’s a lot of backslapping, where people aren’t really critical of what you’re doing because they’re in on it as well. They’re getting money to do the same thing, you’re getting money, they come to see your show and everybody’s getting money and as long as it stays in this closed environment then everything’s fine...You know the quality suffers because of that...If you’re doing ‘experimental art’ or music and you’re funded for everything you do, it’s not experimental anymore, it’s sanctioned by the most un-experimental institution in the world: the state.[xxv]
At the same, however, the lack of institutional support for the free improvisation scene from local universities, conservatories, media and prominent well-funded festivals such as the Montreal International Festival du Jazz was a commonly expressed lament, which many saw as politically reactionary and artistically stifling in preventing musicians from dedicating themselves whole-heartily to the creation of what they argued was important, new, creative music (Smith 2001).[xxvi] For example, none of the daily newspapers in Montreal (The Gazette, La Presse, Le Journal de Montréal, Le Devoir) regularly report on free improvisation performances, nor even, for the most part, do the ‘alternative’ arts & entertainment weeklies The Montreal Mirror, The Hour and Le Voir.[xxvii] According to several of my informants, the publicly funded Canadian Broadcast Corporation’s Radio 2 station was in the past quite supportive of free improvisation in providing various opportunities for it to be played on the air, thus giving them a much welcomed source of income from performance royalties.[xxviii] But beginning in 2007 the format of Radio 2 changed to emphasize more popular and commercially successful music (often of an ‘adult-contemporary’ variety) and is now almost completely devoid of anything resembling free improvisation.[xxix] And the fact that the administration of the McGill University Faculty of Music cancelled the contemporary improvisation ensemble taught by Lori Freedman for 2009-2010 because of budget cutbacks, despite its relatively meager cost of $60 a week,[xxx] while doing little to promote it during its seven years in existence (it was never included in the university calendar or online course listings and was advertised purely through word of mouth and posters put up by Freedman and course participants) was, for a number of my informants, highly indicative of a disturbing lack of acceptance for a form of musical expression for which there is significant interest within Montreal and, moreover, among McGill University music students.
            This lack of institutional support was amply demonstrated in late January of 2004 when Steve Lacy, arguably the most influential soprano saxophonist of the last 50 years, was invited by the McGill University-based Project on Improvisation (PI), led by Associate Professor of Philosophy Eric Lewis, to Montreal to give a lecture on improvisation and his life-long practice of, and participation with, it, as well as to lead a group of musicians through two open rehearsals and a subsequent performance. It was a notable event for a number of reasons. First, unbeknownst to all but a few at the time, Lacy was quite sick with inoperable cancer (he died less than six month later in June of 2004). Second, it brought together a number of the key figures of the Montreal free improvisation community together to play with him—John Heward, Lori Freedman, Rainer Wiens, Jean Derome and Nicolas Calloia—along with two individuals from outside of Montreal, Joe Giardullo and Gordon Allen. Third, it exposed the profound rift that exists between many of those in the traditional jazz establishment—represented most famously by trumpeter Wynton Marsalis and writer Stanley Crouch (Elworth 1995; Hersch 2001)—for whom jazz’s technical evolution effectively ended in 1959, and those who have continued in the modal and free jazz styles that played such a vital role in the development of jazz throughout the 1960s and ‘70s.
For although Lacy’s jazz pedigree was of the highest degree—having played with Thelonius Monk, Sonny Rollins, Cecil Taylor, Duke Ellington and having crucially influenced John Coltrane’s use of the soprano saxophone—the jazz area of the McGill University Faculty of Music was extremely reluctant to make a space available for the accompanying lecture and rehearsals. A room was ultimately provided but, to their surprise, it was too small to fit everyone who wanted to attend, including many of their own students.[xxxi] The performance itself was held off campus and, from all accounts, was an enormous success with a large, appreciative audience.[xxxii] For trumpeter Gordon Allen, then a resident of Toronto, the event made such an impression on him that he subsequently moved to Montreal largely on account of his experience playing with Lacy and thereby becoming aware of the existence of such an appreciative and understanding audience for improvisationally-based music in Montreal. He has since become one of the scene’s most important performers and organizers helping to run a performance venue dedicated to its music, L’Envers (though now closed), and a weekly series at a café, Le Cagibi, both in Montreal’s Mile-End district.[xxxiii] I think that my discussion of this event therefore marks an appropriate ending point for this paper in that it exemplifies the promises and difficulties, the tensions and agreements that constitute the identity of this unique music scene.

Conclusion
            In this paper I have drawn together a wide variety of disparate perspectives in order to suggest appropriate ways to understand what constitutes the Montreal free improvisation music scene as well as explains its relative vitality. Although freedom, self-expression, the desire to succeed as a professional musician and to build a strong community are all important qualities to those participants with whom I engaged, the question as to how to reconcile their divergent tendencies remained at the forefront of a great deal of their considerations. Situated on the outer-edges of the art world, the musicians who make up this scene both resent their exclusion from many of the financially-lucrative and culturally-legitimizing institutions that surround them in Montreal while simultaneously celebrating their liberation from the demands and prohibitions that such institutions inevitably require for their support and legitimization.
In pointing this out I by no means wish to suggest that those involved in this scene are in anyway strange or hypocritical in their partiality to contradictory impulses. Rather, the balance between these differing demands is a paradox common to self-described modern or avant-garde artists and an unavoidable one as long as they desire, as did nearly all the musicians I talked to, both the legitimation of what they do as art untainted by commercial demands and the success that enables them to support themselves professionally within a capitalist economic system.[xxxiv] Constituted to such a vital degree by the cultural and linguistic diversity of Montreal, however, this musical scene offers a unique window into the workings of musicians and spectators in a constant struggle of trying to achieve a balance between these divergent, paradoxical aspirations.







[i] In discussion with the author, November 28, 2009.
[ii] Will Straw (1993: 169) points out that “Imagined or real distinctions between Toronto and Montreal have long served as the deep structure of a Canadian moral geography”.
[iii] I determined this percentage by adding together those who declared English as their singular mother tongue (425,635) with those for whom it was one of two or more mother tongues (English and French: 26,855; English and non-official language: 15,225; English, French and non-official language: 4,950) to a total of 472,665. I then divided this by the number of single responses in Montreal (3,514,485) and then multiplied by 100.
[iv] This has led to the ubiquitous yet controversial, often remarked upon and made fun of greeting in Montreal: ‘bonjour/hello!’
[v] John Heward in discussion with the author, November 28, 2009.
[vi] Information on the label can found at http://www.ambiancesmagnetiques.com/ (accessed Dec. 2, 2012).
[vii] For the most detailed discussion of his musical career as well as a discography see the article on him in The Canadian Encyclopedia/The Encyclopedia of Music in Canada: http://www.thecanadianencyclopedia.com/index.cfm?PgNm=TCE&Params=U1ARTU0000936  (accessed Dec. 2, 2012).
[viii] Victoriaville is a small city approximately 170 km east of Montreal. For information on the festival see http://fimav.qc.ca/en/edition/home/ (accessed Sept. 13, 2014).
[ix] Jean Derome in discussion with Hélène Laurin and the author, January 19, 2010. Translated from French also by the author.
[x] The meaning is perhaps most evident in its relation to ‘actualité’—that is, current events or news.
[xi] At least freedom of the ‘negative’ kind as discussed in Isaiah Berlin’s seminal essay ‘Two Concepts of Liberty’ (2000).
[xii] “But there may be another reason that makes it so gratifying for us to define the relationship between sex and power in terms on repression: something that one might call the speaker’s benefit. If sex is repressed, that is, condemned to prohibition, nonexistence, and silence, then the mere fact that one is speaking about it has the appearance of a deliberate transgression. A person who holds forth in such language places himself to a certain extent outside the reach of power; he upsets established law; he somehow anticipates the coming freedom” (Foucault 1990: 6).
[xiii] “[S]omething is only an imposition on me against a background of desires, interests, purposes, that I have. It is only an imposition if it makes some dent in these, if it frustrates them, prevents them from fulfillment, or perhaps even from formulation. If some external situation or agency wreaks some change in me which in now way lies athwart some such desire/purpose/aspiration/ interest, then there is no call to speak of an exercise of power/domination. Take the phenomenon of imprinting. In human life, it also exists after a fashion. We generally come to like the foods which have assuaged our hunger, those we are fed as children in our culture. Is this an index of the ‘domination’ of our culture over us? The word would lose all useful profile, would have no more distinctiveness, if we let it roam this wide” (Taylor 1985: 174-75).
[xiv] “Mask, falsehood [i.e. what power does] makes no sense without a corresponding notion of truth. The truth here is subversive of power: it is on the side of the lifting of impositions…The Foucaultiam notion of power not only requires for its sense the correlative notions of truth and liberation, but even the standard link between them, which makes truth the condition of liberation” (Taylor 1985: 176-77). Indeed, it is hard to reconcile Foucault’s totalizing anti-subjectivism and neo-Nietzschean value-neutrality with his long concern for the reform of the conditions in which prisoners are held. See, for example, Foucault and Simon (1991), “Michel Foucault on Attica: An Interview.”
[xv] Free Jazz being the title of Coleman’s 1960 album, as well as of its album-long track.
[xvi] Max Roach’s album We Insist! – Freedom Now! Suite, also from 1960, is one of the most explicit examples of this kind of musical-political expression.
[xvii] And as Mark Gridley points out, even in the context of the 1960s, Kofsky’s attempt to explicitly connect the practices of free jazz musicians and radical politics is problematic given the explicit denials of a number of such musicians, such as Albert Ayler and Marion Brown, that their music was in any way political (2007: 144-46).
[xviii] Lori Freedman in discussion with the author, November 30, 2009.
[xix] Malcolm Goldstein in discussion with the author, November 21, 2009. ‘I had heard Ornette Coleman’s Free Jazz LP recording around 1960 when it was first available. I was overwhelmed with what, to me at that time, seemed like chaos, but a glorious chaos fertile with the creative soul of music making…Later, in 1986, Ornette would compose violin music, ‘Trinity’, for me’ (Goldstein 2008: 10-11).
[xx] Matana Roberts, e-mail message to author, December 3, 2009.
[xxi] Ishkur’s Guide to Electronic Music, http://techno.org/electronic-music-guide/ (accessed Dec. 2, 2012) is a highly detailed, if somewhat irreverent, exploration of the history and identities of the plethora of genres and sub-genres of electronic music.
[xxii] Arguably this viewpoint ultimately stems from Immanuel Kant’s subjectivist, bourgeois account of morality as necessarily constituted by autonomous, i.e. entirely self-legislating, universalizable actions (1998).
[xxiii] Sam Shalabi in discussion with the author, November 30, 2009.
[xxiv] Anders Ericsson has shown (2002) that any sustained practice, such as for music or sports, leads to the ‘deliberate modification of bodily systems and individual cells’ in order to adapt to its goals.
[xxv] Sam Shalabi in discussion with the author, November 30, 2009.
[xxvi] As Julie Dawn Smith explains in her dissertation on women improvising musicians, the political economy of free improvisation—as with new, experimental music in general—is characterized by a pronounced lack of financial rewards or even much possibility of making a career playing it (2001: 14-18). As some of my informants pointed out, however, being excluded from any serious chance of reaping much of any substantial financial reward from their music, or even obtaining the symbolic capital that is the marker of avant-garde art’s attainment of cultural consecration, does have certain advantages in reducing feelings of competition between musicians and thereby bringing about greater cooperation. To paraphrase one of my sources: why worry about trying to outdo other musicians when the rewards are so meager? Intriguingly, the continuing exclusion of even the eldest and most respected of these avant-garde artists to attain the symbolic capital that comes from cultural consecration seems to problematize Bourdieu’s history of the field of cultural production that for him is defined primarily in terms of generations. For even those who I interviewed who have been involved in the production of free improvisational music for decades (Malcolm Goldstein and Jean Derome most notably) have been granted little in the way of symbolic capital within the cultural or educational institutions of Montreal.
[xxvii] The Mirror and Hour have since ceased publishing.
[xxviii] Malcolm Goldstein and Jean Derome in discussion with the author, November 28, 2009 and January 26, 2010 respectively.
[xxix] For details of announcements as to CBC Radio 2 changes see ‘CBC Radio to broaden Radio 2, add arts magazine,’ http://www.cbc.ca/news/arts/cbc-radio-to-broaden-radio-two-add-arts-magazine-1.668998  (accessed September 14, 2014) and ‘CBC Radio 2 to revamp daytime programming,’ http://www.cbc.ca/news/arts/cbc-radio-2-to-revamp-daytime-programming-1.720872 (accessed September 14, 2014).
[xxx] Lori Freedman in discussion with the author, November 21, 2009.
[xxxi] Professor Eric Lewis in discussion with the author, November 20, 2009.
[xxxii] With the kind permission of Professor Lewis I was able to watch the video recording that was made of the lecture, rehearsals and performance. Due to on-going negotiations with the Lacy estate the video held in the Project on Improvisation archives is the only one in existence.
[xxxiii] Gordon Allen in discussion with the author, November 30, 2009.
[xxxiv] I use “avant-garde” here because many musicians within the Montreal free improvisation scene commonly use it to describe what their artistic practice. However, following Peter Bürger (1984), I question its applicability in many cases because of the continued propagation of the modernist division between high and low art and celebration of artistic autonomy, which, Bürger argues, were precisely what the members of the historical avant-garde (futurism, dadaism, surrealism) saw themselves as resolutely opposing.

Wednesday, May 17, 2017

Jordan Peterson, SSHRC, and Academic Objectivity

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In the last couple of weeks a new front in the controversy over University of Toronto psychology professor Jordan Peterson has opened up. After claiming that he had been denied government funding from the Social Sciences and Humanities Research Council (SSHRC) on account of his outspoken opposition to the mandatory use of individualized, transgender pronouns, he and his supporters (such as John Robson in the National Post) have clashed with opponents over whether or not he has been the victim of left-wing political correctness. Peterson has so far offered no concrete evidence that the denial of his application for funding had anything to do with his political notoriety. But his denial on this occasion, having been repeatedly successful in past competitions, is, he thinks, suspicious enough to warrant claiming that the jury’s decision was based not entirely on the substance of his application but instead at least partly on an illegitimate consideration of his politics.

As numerous commentators have argued in response, however, Peterson’s claim is unconvincing. Competitions for grants through SSHRC and the other federal funding agencies are exactly that: competitions. No one, no matter what his or her previous success rate may have been, is in any way guaranteed future funding, especially given that the success rate for SSHRC applications is in the neighborhood of 30%. It is therefore incorrect for Peterson and his supporters to claim with any degree of certainty that his funding was pulled because of his views over transgender pronouns.

But those who have pushed back against Peterson have gone too far in denying even the possibility that his political notoriety could have influenced the jury’s decision. Political theorist Jacob Levy, for example, on the April 10 edition of CBC Radio 1’s noon hour show in Montreal pooh-poohed the idea that there could have been such an influence. And professor of gender studies Sonja Boon claimed on Twitter, based on her own experience on SSHRC jury panels, that the “process is thoughtful, critical, rigorous” and that she doesn’t “know how you’d rig it.” One can only be surprised at their naïveté.

Although I have never been a member of a SSHRC jury I have been a part of academic adjudicating panels. As much as one might wish that those involved were wholly objective in their decision-making, the reality is far from such an ideal. The decisions made are, after all, based on qualitative, and therefore inherently subjective, judgments of the quality of an application. There is therefore plenty of room for extra-scholarly considerations to come into play in making decisions as to who wins and who loses. Given the competition, it would likely only take one jury member’s strong dislike for an application, for which they could undoubtedly find sufficient justification, to sink its chances of success. And though applicants may be anonymous to those on juries (a question I have been unable to determine), they certainly are not to those within SSHRC who could therefore quite easily sabotage an application if they so desired.

As for Boon’s claim as to the difficulty to “rig it,” that a professor of gender studies is in this case so certain as to the supposed objectivity and “rigorous” nature of SSHRC decision making is odd to say the least. Gender Studies is practically defined by arguments for “situated,” i.e. subjective and proud of it, accounts of truth: that all claims to truth are made from the standpoint of an intersection of one’s identities and social history. Real objective truth, on such an account, is therefore impossible. And yet in this case, Boon asserts the opposite. Her conclusion in this case is hardly a coincidence since it is not at all a surprise that a professor of Gender Studies would not be a fan of Peterson.

What this controversy concerning Peterson’s SSHRC rejection points to, then, is the blindness of many within academia to their own biases. While gleefully pointing to those of whom they disagree with, far too rarely do they reflect on their own position within an overwhelmingly left-leaning academy and the consequences of this dominance on those who disagree with their politics. As the organization Heterodox Academy points out (http://heterodoxacademy.org/problems/), over the last twenty years the percentage of liberals or those on the far left has risen sharply within the professoriate. It is not only naïve but hypocritical to think that such dominance would not have the effect of excluding those within academia who dare to speak out with opposing views.


Monday, December 30, 2013

Adorno's "Theory of Pseudo Culture"


Adorno’s 1959 essay “Theory of Pseudo Culture” is in many ways a continuation of “The Culture Industry: Enlightenment as Mass Deception” chapter in his and Horkheimer’s Dialectic of Enlightenment; but it is also an attempt to think through in a more dialectical, and sociologically grounded, fashion than before the relation between those cultural processes and practices that Adorno thinks are truthful (i.e. instances of actual culture), and those that are products of the Culture Industry and therefore merely “pseudo.” Despite these differences, however, his overall pessimism as to the possibilities of socio-political progress remains as acute as before; he makes no attempt to achieve a Hegelian-like “synthesis” (actually a misnomer since Hegel never used the term and does not argue that antinomies are brought together and thereby reconciled, as synthesis implies; rather, that within both sides of a contradiction there exists a “higher” truth that encompasses and makes sense of both [Mueller 1958; Taylor 1975]), instead denying that any positive understanding (and therefore outcome) is possible because of the inherent complicity with domination that all attempts at progress share in: “The fact that antagonisms multiply signifies that all particular advances in the consciousness of freedom also participate in the persistence of unfreedom.” Although Adorno’s Negative Dialectics was not published until 1966 this article is perhaps best understood as an attempt to apply a “negative dialectical” approach in a less abstrusely theoretical manner.

Adorno begins by arguing that the existent “crisis in culture” cannot be solved by increased education; rather, the decline in culture then so apparent (and one can only imagine how dismayed he would be were he alive today!) is, in fact, a product of culture itself: “What has become of culture, now deposited as a kind of negative objective spirit…can be deduced from the laws of social movement, even from the concept of culture itself. Culture has become socialized pseudo-culture – the omnipresence of alienated spirit.” A lack of “true” culture is not the problem; instead, it is the very attempt to make culture autonomous from its socio-historical grounding, as the bourgeoisie has so insistently attempted to realize, that renders culture into its “pseudo” opposite: “Any culture…which posits itself autonomously and absolutizes itself, has thereby become pseudo-culture.” This is, for Adorno, because culture has an inherently socially adaptive functionality; it always says “that’s right!” to that which is and thus apologizes for that which should and could, in fact, not be.

Not only is cultural education for the “uncultured” classes not an answer to the problem of cultural decline, but neither is the search for cultural authenticity in the “folk,” given some notion that it is there that might be found some still true cultural expressions. (One can only wonder if Adorno here had in mind the Urban Folk Revival that became very popular in North America in the late 1950s.) For Adorno, there are no real folk left. Rather than seeing rural areas as having escaped the effects of capitalism and its attendant cultural industry machine, as many Marxists (most notably Mao) have hoped, Adorno argues that they are “breeding grounds of pseudo-culture” because the rapidity of the transformation from traditional (i.e. religiously based) culture to that which is a product of the culture industry left no time for the cultural autonomy of the bourgeoisie to develop there. For despite cultural autonomy’s complicity in its own “pseudofication,” autonomy remains, for Adorno, the only hope for the continuance of non-pseudo culture: “…the only way spirit can possibly survive is through critical reflection on pseudo-culture, for which culture is essential.”

There is so much more in this essay, but having raised some key points I turn to a reflection on what it all means for contemporary understandings of culture. As is usual in responding to Adorno’s writings, it is difficult to think (deliberately so on his part!) of what should be the practical desired outcome of his theorizing. He, of course, denies the premise that speculative thinking requires a use-value, some practical application or positive program. The very concept of a “negative dialectics” is itself the most obvious example of this denial since dialectics previously conceived (from Plato to Kant and Hegel) was always understood productively, as a process by which truth is attained. But for Adorno, such a hope can, at this point in history, only be delusional, a head-in-the-sand conceit of wishful thinking.

Yet one might wonder whether his use of empirical studies in the essay as evidence of his arguments (for example, the “ingenious study” that compared two listening groups) might not subtly contradict his overall pessimism. For if one accepts that valid truths as to the cultural value of individuals’ experience can be derived through such empirical research, then this would seem to imply that there is something positive that characterizes that which is more “true” (in this study a live musical performance over one listened to over the radio) compared to other possibilities. If so, then it would seem contradictory to insist that, to paraphrase Adorno, all truths lead to untruths. That is, if the live performance of music does lead to greater understanding and less shallow responses than radio broadcasts, then there would seem to be some hope in education as the response to cultural decline—in this case, that which comes from the promotion of attending live musical performances.

Ironically, Adorno’s seemingly greater acceptance of the value of empirical research in this essay might represent a welcome crack in his usually airtight theoretical pessimism. It is therefore of some interest that in his 1961 lecture at the Darmstadt New Music Conference, “Vers Une Musique Informelle” (published later in Quasi Una Fantasia: Essays on Modern Music), he actually gives positive prescriptions as to how music of the avant-garde should be both composed and performed in order to facilitate comprehension by greater numbers of people. Although this “crack” would not have seemed to remain open for long, as his refusal to in any way engage with the student protest movement in the late 1960s demonstrates, that it existed for even a short while suggests how one might think Adorno against himself in order to realize that which he so often denied: the possibility of positivity.

Other Works Cited

Adorno, Theodor. 1998. Vers Une Musique Informelle. In Quasi una fantasia: Essays on
modern music. Translated by Rodney Livingstone. New York: Verso.

Mueller, Gustav E. 1958. The Hegel Legend of ‘Thesis-Antithesis-Synthesis.’ Journal of
the History of Ideas 19 (3): 411-14.

Taylor, Charles. 1975. Hegel. New York: Cambridge University Press.


On Walter Benjamin's "The Author as Producer"

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In “The Author as Producer” (1934) Walter Benjamin sets out to diagnose the relation between artistic production and politics broadly conceived. He argues that there is a necessary connection between the techniques used in the production of a work of art and its political orientation and, therefore, the impossibility of a disinterested, autonomous or non-political art work. Interestingly, although Benjamin is now often thought of as a highly unorthodox Marxist (see Richter 2002, 12; Hafstein 2006, 13), here he displays a quite close alignment with orthodox Marxism in his insistence on the clarity of a work’s political tendencies, the dangers of “counterrevolutionary” acts, the inextricable link between one’s “position in the process of production” and one’s political identity, the valorization of Brecht’s explicitly “committed” theatre works and the extolling of the virtues, in ostensibly overcoming social antinomies, of cultural production in the Soviet Union. Whether such an interpretation suggests a wider transformation in Benjamin’s Marxism from the time this essay was written to that of his more well-known works from the later 1930s (e.g. “The Work of Art in the Age of Mechanical Reproduction,” “Theses on the Philosophy of History” and the unfinished “Arcades Project”) or, rather, that this essay is an idiosyncratic work in his overall oeuvre, perhaps reflecting an homage of sorts to his friend Brecht (who was much more consistently orthodox Marxist than Benjamin), is an interesting question to consider— although not, obviously, one that can be answered here.

There are, however, undoubted continuities with his later work (especially the aforementioned “Work of Art” essay) in his arguments for the transformational status of the newspaper. In strikingly McLuanesque manner (or, given Benjamin’s antecedent status, perhaps rather McLuhan’s later “Benjaminian” ideas), Benjamin (curiously quoting himself without attribution) points to the effect of the newspaper’s disjointed, never-finished quality, i.e. its medium, on its readers. “[T]he fact that nothing binds the reader to his paper as much as this avid impatience for fresh nourishment every day, has been used by editors, who are always starting new columns open to his questions, opinions, protestations. So the indiscriminate assimilation of facts goes hand in hand with the similar indiscriminate assimilation of readers, who see themselves instantly raised to the level of co-workers” (Benjamin 1934, 3). And this breaking down of the barrier between author and public, producer and audience is, Benjamin argues, a revolutionary action in its breaking of social hierarchies that place the laboring classes beneath the literary, artistic, bourgeois class.
            
 What is obvious, however, is how much Benjamin here differs from Adorno’s views on the relation between artistic production and politics. For both, there is an intimate connection between artistic quality and “correct” politics; but whereas the former argues that the autonomy of the artist should ultimately give way to “plac[ing] himself on the side of the proletariat” (1), the latter insists that the only way to safeguard the possibility of a truthful, non-compromised artistic practice is precisely through the work’s insistence on its autonomy, as that which resists commodification and is thus best able to “crack…established patterns of self-evidence” (Goehr 2004, 235). Nowhere are their differences more obvious than in Benjamin’s discussion of Eisler’s comments on the relation of absolute (non-lyric) music with capitalism: “Words alone can…bring about the transformation of the concert into a political meeting” (Benjamin 1934, 5). There could, in fact, be few things more abhorrent to Adorno than insisting on the necessity of words for music or the subsuming of the autonomy of music (or art more generally) to the inherent heteronomy of a political gathering. Only through its absolute otherness from such prosaic demands can art, according to Adorno, be of any positive political value.
            
 Despite Benjamin’s more obviously orthodox Marxist position in this essay, however, there is a way in which one can see Adorno as, in fact, more true to Marx—at least the older, more structuralist Marx of Das Kapital. This is in terms of their respective views on voluntarism. Benjamin, following Brecht, writes that intellectuals should not “simply transmit the apparatus of production without simultaneously changing it to the maximum extent possible in the direction of socialism” (4). Adorno, on the other hand, does not see genuine, truthful artists as able to will their art in the direction of socialism or of any other; artists, rather, follow the immanent logic of the artistic medium wherever it takes them. In the case of music, Schoenberg did not simply decide to begin writing atonal music around 1908; instead, he realized the next step from what the musical materials post-Wagner and Brahms had bequeathed him. This wasn’t in the direction of socialism, capitalism or any other “ism,” but rather in the direction of art. Although the voluntarism of Benjamin’s position is far more common among Marxists both then and now, such stress on the value of individual volition is in strong tension, if not outright contradicts, the older Marx’s own insistence on the necessarily structural determinations of individuals.
            
 From my understanding of Benjamin’s later texts, he did move closer to Adorno’s position through the 1930s without ever sharing Adorno’s pessimism as to the potential value of mechanical and electrical technologies in liberating the proletariat. The opposition between these two sides of leftist aesthetics—elitist autonomy vs. mass heteronomy—is still alive and well, although because of Benjamin’s tragic early death it was the elitist-autonomy of Adorno that would come to dominate the Frankfurt School’s own variety of unorthodox Marxism.
           

Works Cited

Benjamin, Walter. 1934. The author as producer. New Left Review 1 (62):

Goehr, Lydia. 2004. Dissonant works and the listening public. In The Cambridge
companion to Adorno, ed. Tom Huhn, 257-85. New York: Cambridge University Press.

Hafstein, Vladimar T. 2007. Spectacular reproduction: Ron’s angels and mechanical
reproduction in the age of ART (assisted reproductive technology). The Journal of Medical Humanities 28 (1): 3-17.

Richter. Gerhard. 2002. Benjamin's ghosts: interventions in contemporary literary and
cultural theory. Stanford: Stanford University Press.


Saturday, July 06, 2013

On jazz

The Montreal Gazette published an opinion piece I wrote responding to an earlier piece about what is and is not jazz: "Don't Discount the Evolution of Jazz" (not my title though). Unfortunately, but hardly surprising, it's not exactly what I intended so here's the real thing.


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Jonathan Goldman’s recent Gazette opinion piece (“Montreal International Jazz Festival: This isn’t jazz”) reflects a common perspective among contemporary jazz musicians that some of what is now called jazz fails to meet various definitional criteria. Based on his “nearly 15 years…of instrumental practice, listening sessions and reading, plus two music degrees,” Goldman attempts to define jazz according to three requisite characteristics: the blues, swing rhythms and improvisation. “The fewer of these elements a musical style has, the more distantly related it is to jazz. Thus, R&B is closely related to jazz, in that it contains elements of blues and swing, though it lacks improvisation. Rock ’n’ roll is even farther from jazz, having in common only elements of the blues vocabulary.”

One must wonder how he can be unaware of the plethora of improvisation in R&B from Louis Jordan to Mary J. Blige and that of improvisation and swing in such rock groups as the Rolling Stones and the Grateful Dead. However, on the basis of these qualities he then goes on to exclude the group She & Him from consideration as jazz claiming that the group’s inclusion as a headlining act at the Jazzfest “shows that, for all intents and purposes, jazz is dead.”

What is interesting about such jeremiads is how common they are in jazz’s history. In the 1930s, fans of the older Dixieland style lamented what they saw as the crass, watered-down commercialism of the-then popular Swing bands. In the late 1940s, the debate shifted to the innovations of Bebop with partisans of Swing attacking Bebop’s technical difficulty and resistance to audience dancing. Around 1960, Free Jazz’s abandonment of traditional chord-scale relations aroused no shortage of controversy with Down Beat magazine proclaiming Goldman’s very own hero John Coltrane as seemingly “bent on pursuing an anarchistic course…that can but be termed anti-jazz.” And in the 1970s-80s, Jazz Fusion divided musicians and critics with some seeing its incorporation of rock and funk elements as the wave of the future, while others, such as Wynton Marsalis, argued that such influences, together with its lack of swing, placed it outside the jazz tradition.

This short detour through jazz history shows that any presumption to defining a trans-historical essence of jazz is a fool’s errand. Jazz has been many different things to many different people. Guy Lombardo, for example, made far less use of the blues, swing and improvisation than many R&B and Rock groups have. But despite these limitations, his group was among the favorites of jazz legend Louis Armstrong. And though many bossa nova songs are now considered jazz standards (think “Girl from Ipanema”), they have even less of a connection to the blues and, furthermore, don’t use swing rhythms.

I would hardly qualify She & Him as strong representatives of jazz today although at least one of their songs, “Never Wanted Your Love, does use swing rhythms. But as my historical survey has shown, whatever the presence of Goldman’s three criteria might be, they are hardly sufficient for defining jazz given its variety over the last century. It is often forgotten that until the late 1940s, jazz was popular music—intended for the entertainment of listeners and dancers with little artistic pretention. Since this is clearly what She & Him intend as well one could reasonably argue, contra Goldman, that they are in fact more true to the original meaning of jazz than those he thinks properly define it today.

More valuable, however, is asking why debates about jazz have aroused such controversy. Balanced between the high art values of classical music and the explicit entertainment of pop, jazz musicians have desired both the artistic respectability of the former and the commercial success of the latter. But unwilling to choose they fight all the more to protect their proverbial turf from popular music interlopers.

As a sometime jazz musician myself, well aware of the difficulty in making a living as such, I don’t blame them for doing so. But instead of lamenting whom the Jazzfest books, musicians such as Goldman should use their supposedly superior skills to create better music with the same popular appeal as those ostensibly non-jazz groups they decry. If people like She & Him’s music then who are we as musicians to argue over labels? Perhaps we need to make a greater effort to play music that more people might enjoy so that we’ll be the ones performing at future Jazzfests.

For jazz will only die when musicians stop creating music that challenges and appeals to an ever-changing musical audience.   

Thursday, June 14, 2012

Contacting MPs about Bill C-38

(I just finished writing the following letter that I then sent to all Conservative Party MPs.)



Dear Member of Parliament,

You are now considering Bill C-38 about which I feel I must express my strongest objections. It constitutes a radical attack on Parliament's constitutionally-mandated job to examine and vote on new pieces of legislation in a manner that allows consequences to be properly examined and weighed. To be clear: my opposition to this bill does not reflect a partisan objection to the Conservative Party; I have voted for the Conservative Party in the past as I have on other occasions for the Liberal, New Democratic and Green parties. I am, however, appalled that a so-called "Conservative" party can be attempting to push through Parliament this omnibus bill that is antithetical to Parliament's vital role within the Westminster Parliamentary tradition. 

Writing about the French Revolution, Edmund Burke (in many ways the father of modern conservatism) spoke directly to such radical legal reformations and the danger that they represent to our inherited freedoms:

"These opposed and conflicting interests, which you [Conservative Party MPs!] considered as so great a blemish in your old and in our present constitution, interpose a salutary check to all precipitate resolutions [like Bill C-38!]; They render deliberation a matter not of choice, but of necessity; they make all change a subject of compromise; which naturally begets moderation; they produce temperaments, preventing the sore evil of harsh, crude, unqualified reformations [such as Bill C-38! my italics]; and rendering all the headlong exertions of arbitrary power, in the few or in the many, for ever impractical. Through the diversity of members and interests, general liberty had as many securities as there were separate views in the several orders; whilst by pressing down the whole by the weight of a real monarchy, the separate parts would have been prevented from warping and starting from their allotted places." (Reflections on the Revolution in France, ed. J.C.D. Clark [Stanford, CA: Stanford University Press, 2001],  p. 187)

That even opinion writers in the right-leaning National Post (such as Kelly McPartland, John Ivision and Andrew Coyne) can see this bill as the horrendous attack on Parliamentary Privilege that it is reveals how far the present government is here departing from actual conservative principles. 

To those MPs who are opposing this atrocious bill I wish you all the best in your fight.

To those Conservative MPs who have meekly acceded to the Prime Minister's dictates to vote for this bill or else — you should be ashamed of yourselves for your craven subordination. That Stephen Harper in 2005 stated that a Liberal omnibus bill was "a contradiction to the conventions and practices of the House” only proves his mendacious hypocrisy. 

Where are the Conservative MPs who will put country ahead of personal ambition, right before might? I wait to be surprised.

A concerned Canadian citizen,
Melvin Backstrom


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If you also don't like Bill C-38 perhaps think about writing a letter and sending it to all Conservative MPs. Below are all of their email addresses formatted so you should just have to copy and past into your email address box.

diane.ablonczy@parl.gc.ca, Eve.Adams@parl.gc.ca, Mark.Adler@parl.gc.ca,
leona.aglukkaq@parl.gc.ca, Dan.Albas@parl.gc.ca, harold.albrecht@parl.gc.ca,
Chris.Alexander@parl.gc.ca, mike.allen@parl.gc.ca, dean.allison@parl.gc.ca, Stella.Ambler@parl.gc.ca, rona.ambrose@parl.gc.ca, rob.anders@parl.gc.ca, david.anderson@parl.gc.ca, scott.armstrong@parl.gc.ca, keith.ashfield@parl.gc.ca, Jay.Aspin@parl.gc.ca, John.baird@parl.gc.ca, Joyce.Bateman@parl.gc.ca, leon.benoit@parl.gc.ca, maxime.bernier@parl.gc.ca, james.bezan@parl.gc.ca, steven.blaney@parl.gc.ca, kelly.block@parl.gc.ca, ray.boughen@parl.gc.ca, peter.braid@parl.gc.ca, garry.breitkreuz@parl.gc.ca, gord.brown@parl.gc.ca, lois.brown@parl.gc.ca, patrick.brown@parl.gc.ca, rod.bruinooge@parl.gc.ca, Brad.Butt@parl.gc.ca, paul.calandra@parl.gc.ca, blaine.calkins@parl.gc.ca, ron.cannan@parl.gc.ca, John.Carmichael@parl.gc.ca, colin.carrie@parl.gc.ca, Corneliu.Chisu@parl.gc.ca, michael.chong@parl.gc.ca, rob.clarke@parl.gc.ca, tony.clement@parl.gc.ca, Joe.Daniel@parl.gc.ca, pat.davidson@parl.gc.ca, dean.delmastro@parl.gc.ca, dean.delmastro@parl.gc.ca, barry.devolin@parl.gc.ca, earl.dreeshen@parl.gc.ca, john.duncan@parl.gc.ca, rick.dykstra@parl.gc.ca, julian.fantino@parl.gc.ca, ed.fast@parl.gc.ca, Kerry-Lynne.Findlay@parl.gc.ca, diane.finley@parl.gc.ca, jim.flaherty@parl.gc.ca, steven.fletcher@parl.gc.ca, royal.galipeau@parl.gc.ca, cheryl.gallant@parl.gc.ca,
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Thursday, May 31, 2012

Contra Sterne and Davis: Another take on the Manifs Casseroles


Professors Jonathan Sterne and Natalie Zemon Davis’ piece in Thursday’s Globe & Mail (“Quebec’s manifs casseroles are a call for order”) manages the rare feat of being both informative and disingenuous. As a McGill PhD student (and, in fact, former student of Professor Sterne), working on (among other things) understanding various elements of popular culture as continuations of older practices, finding a discussion of the now-for-the-most-part forgotten practice of charivari in the Commentary pages of the G&M made for an initially welcome morning surprise. Unfortunately, the essay’s details fail to live up to my high expectations of two such distinguished scholars.

The authors strive to portray the manifs casseroles as joyful expressions of communities united in opposition to the ostensibly oppressive provincial government while (somehow) bringing order to the streets. But this is not at all the case. I (along with many other Quebec citizens) do not support the casserolistes or the seemingly never-ending protests against tuition hikes and find the nightly rounds of pot-banging to be a sonic assault on my rights to have a reasonable expectation of privacy and silence – and I’m certainly not the only one who feels this way as the content of letters pages to Quebec newspapers since it began make abundantly clear. Instead of recognizing the diversity of opinions that exist within Quebec, and therefore the illegitimacy of attempts to force one’s opinion on others outside of any democratic accountability, the authors imperiously proclaim the casserolistes as rightfully “enforc[ing] community standards.” But whose standards are these (they’re certainly not mine) and what legitimacy, beyond that of mob-rule, do they have to enforce them?

And here lies the real disingenuousness in the authors’ characterization of the history of charivari as “an alternative to violent exclusion” that “often [resulted in] a payment of money that allowed everyone to go down to the local inn for a festive drink or meal.” Sometimes this peaceful result did occur (as Professor Davis has amply documented [1975]) but then such enforcement of community standards were often of a very frightening if not violent kind. Anthony Fletcher (1995) writes, “Charivari could be intended as a warning and no doubt many offenders were subsequently left alone and were terrorized into greater conformity with communal values. But the intention could also be to drum out an offending couple, as happened at Burton-on-Trent in 1618 when William and Margaret Cripple, suspected of living together unmarried, subsequently left the town” (272) [my italics]. Bertram Wyatt-Brown (1995) notes, “The charivari included a range of crowd activity, from wedding-day jest to public whipping and tar-and-feathering” (192) [my italics]; furthermore (2007), charivaris in combination with lynch law “ensured the permanence of popular white rule” in the American antebellum South (436). And John Cashmere (1991) points to the diverse historical array of charivari activities countering Sterne and Davis’ assumption “that a typical charivari begins in a mood of laughter and derision and ends in expansive revelry, and that the manifestation of violence means that the charivari has somehow ‘gone wrong’ or not been played out according to plan…the outcome could all vary, and often violence was an integral part of the processual nature of the performance” (301-02) [my italics].

I by no means wish to suggest that the casserolistes have engaged in overt violence; thankfully they have not (although the student protesters certainly have!). But as a scholar of sound studies such as Professor Sterne certainly knows, sound can function very well as a weapon on its own—as some US Marines demonstrated when they blasted hard rock music into the Panamanian Vatican Embassy in 1989 to drive out Manuel Noriega or as the broadcasting of classical music in public areas in order to “encourage” teenagers not to loiter plainly reveals. The casserolistes are not the benign social bringers-of-order that Sterne and Davis make them out to be; rather, they are a mass of people convinced of their own righteousness, with obviously little concern for what their neighbors who disagree with them might think as their nightly riot of noise acutely shows. Sterne and Davis are correct: the manifs casseroles are descended from the charivari—but this is a relation to be troubled by not celebrated.


Works Cited

Cashmer, John. 1991. The social uses of violence in ritual: Charivari or religious
persecution? In European History Quarterly 21: 291-319.

Davis, Natalie Zemon. 1975. Society and culture in early modern France: Eight essays.
Stanford, CA: Stanford University Press.

Fletcher, Anthony. 1995. Gender, sex, and subordination in England, 1500-1800. New
Haven: Yale University Press.

Wyatt-Brown, Bertram. 1995. Honor and violence in the Old South. New York: Oxford
University Press.

———. 2007. Southern honor: Ethics and behavior in the Old South. New York: Oxford
University Press.